EUROPEAN HOUSE SKOPJE

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8.26.2019

Finland's presidency of the Council of the EU: 1 July - 31 December 2019

"Sustainable Europe - Sustainable Future". 
The presidency programme focuses on four main priorities: 
  • strengthen common values and the rule of law
  • make the EU more competitive and socially inclusive
  • strengthen the EU's position as a global leader in climate action
  • protect the security of citizens comprehensively
Finland will be the first presidency to integrate the new priorities of the Strategic Agenda 2019-2024 into the Council's work.

2.13.2019

The good European House

How can the EU be transformed into
"The good European House"?
- on the long term, mechanical, basic agenda of the EU-process for the period 1986 - 2030 and how to handle it

On the 29th of March two years ago, the IGC 96 was opened in Turin. The conference has now reviewed how the Maastricht Treaty on the European union (TEU) has functioned in relation to the goals set out in the articles A and B of the TEU and agreed on a new treaty; the Amsterdam Treaty.
The conference was prepared by different countries, by groups in the member-countries, by the "European Parliament" (EP), "The European Council", "The Commission" and a special "Reflection
Group", the last of which left its report to the European Council in December 1995.
The TEU, The European Council, the Commission, the EP and the Council stated, or had agreed on a number of specific areas to be reviewed during the conference, summarized in the report of the Commission on the conference.
But none of these reports deal with some important questions, that concern the development of EU in a longer perspective.

THE BUILDING OF "THE EUROPEAN HOUSE"
What is the EU?
It is, of course, on one level possible to argue for it as the expression of an effort to weave together the economies of Europe in such a way that it makes it impossible for "unreliable power hungry national politicians" to start wars against one another in the future.
The EC/EU works in that direction.
But the EC/EU also has deeper roots and levels.
The TEU has some of its roots in the Coal and Steel Community of 1951 and the Treaty of Rome from 1957. And like "Rome", the EU too is not built in only one day, or in one step.
After preparatory work for decades, the EU has been built in two steps since its dynamic new start during the mid 80-s, and the long-range, very conscious work by Mr Jacques Delors and others.
During the first phase; from 1986 to 1992, the "Single Market" was built, by first transforming the "European Economical Communities" to the "European Communities" and finally to "The European Community". Thereby, what later - with the TEU - explicitly came to be called the "first pillar", was brought to a preliminary end.
Facing the second 6-year-phase, that took its start in 1992, the ground was laid also for that which normally constitutes the "state functions" as such of normal states, with the efforts - formulated with TEU in Maastricht - to realize a "Common Foreign and Security Policy" and a cooperation in the fields of justice and home affairs, termed the "second" and the "third pillar" of the "European house" .
This second phase is meant to come to an end in 1998, with the completion of the "first pillar" in the form of an Economical and Monetary Union (EMU), a single currency and a completely autonomous European Central Bank (ECB), with the minimal inflation and the stable currency as the central goals.
This intensification of the work to develop the cooperation in Europe has evoked enthusiasm in a number of people, while it has evoked apprehension in other people, who feel ever more pressed and awkward in the face of the dreams of Europe as a "Great Power" they feel thereby come to expression.

THE GENERAL "HOUSE BUILDING PROCESS"
Is it possible to understand what this process is the expression of, from an anthroposophical perspective?
Yes. With the realization of the basis for the "first pillar" - the "Single Market" during the first 6-year period after 1986, and the effort to realize the "second" and the "third pillar" in their present form as expressions for the "state functions" as such during the second 6-year period after 1986 with EU - a process has been started, that implicates five more phases, not yet described, but implicit in the "building-process".
These stages it is possible to describe, as the seven stages constitute the classical stages of the basic building of "houses" into living, functioning "bodies", filled with life, soul and spirit.
During the first stage of the "EU-process" a legal "body" has been built for "economical life" in all its aspects proper of the social organism in the form of the Single market.
During the second stage of EU, a "body" has now also been built for the social and legal life between humans as a basic legal order, in the form of the European Union.
During the third stage in the building of social "houses" a "body" is built for the soul, for cultural life for the future of the house, of the organism.
And during the fourth stage in the building of social "houses", a "body" is built in some form for the "spirit" - for the "I" - of the house, of the organism.
This "I" that lives in this "egobody" of the organism then penetrates and transforms that which has been built during the first three stages.
During the fifth stage, this "I" penetrates and transforms that which has been built during the third stage as a "body" for the soul, and tries to develop it into something new as a free cultural life for the future.
During the sixth stage, this "I" penetrates the social order that has been built as a "body" for the social and legal life during the second stage as the "Old Law " and tries to democratize and christianize it into something new for the future as the "New Law".
And during the seventh stage finally, this "I" penetrates what has been built as a "body" for economy during the first stage and tries to transform it into something new for the future as an ever more "brotherly", altruistic economical life.
This is the general pattern of the building process for social houses, social organisms - described in very short and principal terms.

The Ur-drama of the first seven mythical Roman Kings
You find it described already by Livy in his picture of the first seven mythical Roman Kings, as the founders of the Roman Empire.
The first was Romulus, who was raised to heaven as the god "Quirinius" (not completely unlike Jacques Delors).
The second king; Numa Pompilius embodied social order, he brought laws for ordinary living.
The third king, Tullus Hostilius, represented the passions. Under him, the attacks against divine nature began, causing discord, struggle and war, through which Rome became great.
The fourth king, Ancus Martius, developed the arts.
The fifth Roman king however; Tarquinius Priscus, was not engendered out of the Roman organism, but was introduced into Roman culture from the Etruscan culture, as also the last two.
The sixth king; Servius Tullus, transformed the social order founded by the second king; Numa Pompilius, and represents the canon of the law.
The seventh king; Tarquinius Superbus, the "most exalted" one, however was overthrown, as he was not able to maintain the high level of the social system.
The seven mythical kings of the first phase of the Roman Empire represent the Ur-drama of the building of social "organisms", that also now comes to expression in the building of Europe into a "house" - during a special phase of its development - out of the economical sphere since 1985.

THE WAY FORWARD
The three "pillars" - seeds to a differentiated European development
Is it possible to come to a picture of a possible proper continuation of this house-building process?
How can the EU-process be transformed in a "proper" way into something good?
Many people already try to come to different conceptions of what a humanised Europe within the frame of EU should look like.
One possible starting point is the "three pillars" in the work of classical house building tradition, that constitutes the roots of "the system of three pillars" of EU.
In the EU-process they stand out in a form, strongly directed towards the development of Europe into a federal, unified superstate.
In their original form, they are described already by among other Pherekydes during the 6th century BC. He describes them as "Chronos" - as an expression of "moral strength" to do the good, "Zeus" - as an expression of "inner beauty", and "Chton" - as an expression of "wisdom".
In the human being, these qualities are connected with the possible goals for her will, her life of feelings and her thinking.
In society, they are connected with and an expression of the possible future goals for the economical life, the legal and social life and for cultural life.
One later finds them described again by Plato, but now in a reduced form, in his picture of the groups of the ideal society as he sees it and describes it in his work "The Republic". He there describes how these groups are - not three but - two main groups; "craftsmen" and "the guardians" - those who take care of the state functions proper.
This second main group; the "guardians", however - according to Plato - consists of two subgroups; "the warriors", who protect the state against hostile powers and "the philosophers", who are the real rulers in his ideal "state". These "philosophers" constitute the elite in his ideal state, and to the questions that Plato treats in "The Republic" belong how this elite is to be educated to fill its functions to rule society "in the best way" out of their insights.
Another starting point is the actual separation of the work of EU between the so far allembracing Commission in Brussels, and the work of a Parliament that has so far been reduced to a an instancy of remitment, in another city; Strasbourg; two organs in a clear imbalance with one another in a way that has euphemistically been termed the "democratic deficit" .
A third starting point is the so far "wandering cultural city of Europe" - the election by the Commission of a city in Europe to be "The cultural capital of Europe" for one year.

THE "FIRST PILLAR" AND THE EU-COMMISSION
With these starting points, one sees that one of the problems with the EU, the first and central, basic task, is to transform the Commission to what it is in its essence and bears in itself as a seed to become; an actual, factual organ of cooperation on a European level for the main parties of economy on an equal basis, concentrated on and limiting its work to the initiation and implementation of legislation in the field of economy.
At present, the Commission, with its construction and direction, its 24 General Directorats (26 as DG I is divided into I A, I B and I C) and its monopoly in initiating and implementing legistlation for the first pillar of EC/EU, is almost completely characterised by the perspectives and interests that flow from the leaders of the great industries and capital interests through ERT; "European Round Table of industrialists" and CEPS; "the Centre for European Policy Studies" .
ERT consists of 45 leaders for European industries with totally three million employees and a turnover of about 500 billion "Euros" per year. It constitutes one of the most influential lobby groups of the EU.
CEPS was founded in 1993 by about 40 transnational companies and banks in Western Europe in cooperation with different foundations. Later, American and Japanese interests have also joined CEPS. CEPS is a part of the political establishment of Europe through its history, through being economically independent and through having strong personal bonds with the top level of the Commission, of NATO and of WEU.
If one looks at the Commission, it is clear that it contains many wefts of a "Round Table" -character and dialogues with representatives of many more or less transnational groups in Europe, before different propositions for legistlation are put forth in different areas.
But its work is also based on "the four freedoms" for a producer-oriented economy. These are what the builders of EU - from their perspective - view as the proper expression for the "tools" , with which one in the classical house-building tradition builds the "first pillar" of "houses" .
This "Mars"-character of the economy still corresponds to and is an expression of the development of the human being up to the present time.
But if you look forward, you also see that this one-sided and strong orientation towards the interests of the producers and bankers belongs to the past. In the future we have to develop much more of the "Mercurial" cooperation in the field of economy, "brotherly" directed as much, if not more towards the interests and needs of not ourself, but of all our fellows.
For this the EU stands before the long term task to step by step deconstruct the remaining "hierarchical" character of the Commission, still dominated by the interests of banking, industry and business through ERT, CEPS and other well financed and powerful lobby groups, and develop it in its essence into an ever more "brotherly" "Round table"-organisation that in an institutionalised way and on an equal, "brotherly" basis comprises all parties that in different ways take part in the production and circulation of goods.
Is this possible?
Yes, if you take your start in an understanding of the essence of all "economy"; the circulation of goods. If you look at it, you see that the circulation of goods in human society comprises four stages.

THE FOUR MAIN STAGES OF THE CIRCULATION OF GOODS
The first stage is the "production" of goods out of matter taken from the earth. The counterpole to this production of goods is the "consumption" of them. To the consumer some of the main interests are the quality, the availability and the price of the goods.
Between these two interests the different "business"-actors mediate, from the wholesale dealers to the shop at the corner, who transport the goods from producers to consumers, helping the producers to find markets and the consumers to find the right goods and getting them at a reasonable, fair price.
But there is also a fourth stage of the circulation. It consists of the way of the used rests of the goods, the residues, back to and through a new stage of "nature". The feeling of the responsibility for not taking out more from the Earth than it can give and not to poison it in such a way that it will die "before its time has come" also has its main representatives who can be found in the enviromental movements and the green parties around the world.
Together, the producers, the traders, the consumers and the green movements and parties represent the responsibilities for the four basic stages of the process of circulation of goods;

to make things out of nature that we need to build our lives on Earth,
to distribute them,
to build our culture through and by using and and consuming goods, and
not to take out too much of the Earth or poison it with the left-overs of our culture.

Different representatives for groups representing all these parties, that are responsible for different parts of the circulation of goods, can be found in the work of the Commission, but some mainly in a subordinated role.
Here one finds among other ETUC; the European Trade Union Confederation, an association of the 50 greatest main labor unions within EU, except for the French CGT, and representing 47 million members. ETUC is consulted when the Commission formulates its suggestions for legislation.
Another organ is BEUC; European Bureau of Consumer´s Unions, an umbrella-association for 23 national European consumer organisations that represent the consumer interests in some 20 committees participating in the legislative process of EU and in the Committee of Consumers of the EU-Commission; CCC.
According to a decision in the Council of Ministers in 1990, a European Enviromental Agency was to be erected with its seat in Copenhagen and the task of making studies and summarizing information that can constitute the basis for decisions in the environmental field. This has also been done.
It was however not meant to get and also has not - as little as the European Environmental Bureau in Brussels, behind which stands non-governmental environmental organisations - got any controlling authority, which the EU-Parliament demanded.
Of the 24 General Directorats only one (DG V) is directly dealing with questions of employment (and unemployment), one with consumer questions (DG XXIV) and one directly with "Environment, Nuclear Safety and Civil Protection" (DG XI) (two other Directorats however also support it in questions of research on enviromental technique and energy; DG XII and XVII).

TRANSFORM AND DEVELOP THE COMMISSION!
To the most important questions and tasks in the work to reform the EU in a longer perspective belongs the task to rebalance the work of the Commission.
If the EU shall be able to develop in a proper, timely, human, socially and ecologically responsible way, the EU faces as the main, central task to decide on an enlargment of the Commission, in pace with the East- and South-enlargement of EU.
To meet the needs of the near future, the Commission will have to institutionalise new General Directorats, except for those that exist for questions of economy, production, transport and trade, for also workers, consumers and "environmental interests" on an equal, brotherly level with the economy-production and transport-trade parties.
The 10-15 new necessary General Directorats that should in time be instituted to deal more actively with the problems of unemployment, for small scale business on a cooperative basis, for consumer-, and not least the many important environmental problems, correspond well to the number of expected new member-countries of Eastern and Southern Europe, and could also be institutionalised in a natural way one at a time with a new Commissioner from every new country that becomes a member.
At present, the "Commission" is slowly, but steadily developing into ever more of an also formal "Government" for the whole of the EU.
This development is understandable and has deep roots, but is - today - completely wrong and untimely. It would be totally wrong finally to institutionalise the Commission as a sort of also formal government for the whole of EU, with the Council of Ministers as a sort of "senate" and "first chamber", superior to the the EU-Parliament as a sort of "second chamber" for the populase.
The Commission should be rebalanced to include General Directorats for all the four stages of the circulation of goods on an equal and brotherly basis in its structure - including coworkers, consumers and environmental interests - and thereafter stick to and cultivate its task as a legislating-initiating and -implementing organ in the field of the the "first pillar"; the economy. Doing such an objective thing would make it into something really good in the face of the future development of Europe and a source of inspiration for also other parts of the world.
To the tasks for the Commission also belongs the further development of the "brotherly" relation to Eastern Europe, that strong forces are already trying to realize. An important measure in this direction would also be to fuse DG IV ("Competition") with the mixed DG XXIII to a new Directorate dealing as much with questions of cooperation and of Cooperatives as with competition into the near future in the field of economy.

"1998", EMU AND A "EUROPEAN CENTRAL BANK"
In this context, the forced work to establish a single currency for the whole of Europe in 1998 and the establishment of a European Central Bank as an independant instrument for the steering of the economy of all of Europe feels very troubling.
In its present planned form the bank is meant to be essentially totally separated from, independant of and retracted from all and every external influence and regulation from organs like the EU-Commission, the EU-Parliament and the Council of Ministers, even though its in the beginning of May 1998 appointed Dutch chief Wim Duisenberg has promised to keep up a regular dialogue with the European Parliament. It is also meant to have as its primal goal the minimal inflation and the stable currency, a goal to be put before every other consideration and problem, like the enviromental, human or social concerns, or the comprehensive unemployment.
Developed in this way, the economical life will not only get a to a certain extent necessary independence, but will also finally be given the absolute superiority over every other social process in a potentially disastrous way in the face of the further development of Europe.
How important different quarters consider this central steering organ to be for the total further development of Europe, is shown by the fact that it, facing its third and last "fixation stage" - like the "Federal Reserve Act" when it was taken by only three senators on the Christmas Eve in 1913 and signed by President Wilson the same night, and like the TEU when it was formed in 1991 - was "protected" from the "danger" of having to be discussed during the IGC 96 and thereby included and subordinated under a somewhat more democratically steered part of the EU.
The pushing through of the third stage of the EMU before the "Sacred" date of "the 1st of January 1999", that is "1998", is the last "necessary" to necessitate the transformation of The Commission into an also formal, but improper "Government" over all of EU. As such, it is the "eye of the needle" for the possibility to either steer the development towards the by some wished for, powerful "(American-)European Empire", or away from this Dinosauric/Tyrannosauric dream, towards the necessary differentiation that the "pillar system" has laid the foundation for.

THE ROLE OF THE EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT AND THE TWO SIDES PROPER OF THE "SECOND PILLAR"
- "FOREIGN POLICY" AND "HOME POLICY"
To the second main task in the reformation of EU belongs the decision to strongly limit the tasks for the Directorat on "External Political Relations" (DG IA).
The work under the present "second pillar" for questions of Foreign and Security policy should be strictly limited to the "Petersberg tasks" and completely transferred to a very much strengtened and developed OSCE; the Organisation for Security and Cooperation in Europe, as its proper forum. "The work under the "second pillar" proper of EU should instead be reduced to the work that has so far been carried out under the "third pillar" and be kept on an "inter-national"; confederative level, suggestibly in the following direction.
The European Parliament and the Council of ministers should develop an ever more intimate cooperation with the corresponding organs of the Council of Europe.
The present right for the Commission to initiate legistlation in other fields than those that directly concern economy and the circulation of goods should be liquidated and transferred out of the work of the Commission.
The right to initiate legistlation in some fields should be transferred over to the EU-Parliament, the national Parliaments and the Council of Ministers and the corresponding organs of The Council of Europe, for which procedures will have to be developed - and the implementation of the legistlation should be transferred to the Council of Ministers and the national Governments.
To the questions the joint organs of EU and The Council of Europe should cooperate around on a confederative level belong especially all questions that have to do with the purely social life between humans and the coordination and cooperation on questions concerning home policy (like part of DG V: "Social Affairs" ).
The Council of Ministers and the EU-Parliament must also, as more democratically chosen organs, retain respectively get the possibility to review and reformulate the frames for the work of the Commission and the European Central Bank, and have as the main task to defend and secure the right of every human to live a humanly dignified life in peace with his or her fellow humans, regardless of his or her nationality, gender or possibility to contribute to the production and distribution of goods and services. Here the parliamentarian democracy still stands out as a model for the work.
The present system of jurisdiction, with the forms of decision reduced to the planned three for legistlation under the "first pillar" of EU also stands out as something good for the time being.
With time, the Commission and the EU-Parliament/Council of Ministers could also be more clearly separated from one another, by moving the EU-Parliament clearly more into Central Europe.

THE BUILDING OF THE "THIRD PILLAR" PROPER FROM 1998; THE "CULTURAL PILLAR"
At present, the picture of the three pillars of the European house depicts the "third pillar" as the pillar for questions of Home Policy.
This picture corresponds to the "reduced" and "ruler-oriented" picture of society described by Plato in his "Republic". But it also depicts the reduced picture of man that was "decided" to be the "proper" one at the Ecumenical Council of Constantinopel in 869.
Before this meeting, in Christianity one had viewed man as composed of "body", "soul" and "spirit". At this church meeting it was however decided to view the spiritual in man, not as something independent and existing in itself, but only as a quality of the soul. Thereby, man was reduced to a "body", and a "soul" even if with some spiritual qualities.
This reduced picture of man reflects Plato´s reduced picture of the "ideal state" and today appears again in the present picture of the "three pillars of EU".
The "Ur-picture" for all good building work of the Temple tradition is the building of the Temple of Solomon, according to the legend built as a three part drama between Hiram, Solomon and Balkis, the queen of Sheeba. Viewed as a "social house construction" in this perspective, the EEA-phase between 1986 and 1992 stands out as the phase of Hiram, the Master of the Craft. The second; EU-phase between 1992 and 1998 stands out as the phase of Solomon, the Architect.
Against this background, the third phase in the building proper of Europe as a "house" between 1998 and 2005 stands out as the phase of Balkis proper, "the woman of star wisdom".
A mirror of this picture can also be found in the symbol of EU with its 12 stars, with its roots in the picture of the "heavenly woman", dressed in the sun, with the moon under her feet and her head surrounded by twelve star, ready to bear her child, mediated by the Apocalypse (12:1-3). This will undoubtedly constitute the basis for some drama around the turn of the Millennium.
As a counterweight to these dramas and the third main task for the EU - and in the longer perspective - one can see the choice and institutionalisation of a more permanent European cultural Capital in the Western Slavic area - Prague is a very good one - except the wandering and free one, as a seed and forum for the development of a free, spiritualised European cultural life for the future and as an important bridge to Russia and the Eastern Slavic area.
Here belongs also the transfer of all questions concerning the multicultural life of Europe out of the EU and over to a from EU totally independent, European cultural organ, with its centre in Prague (like the present DG X for "Information, Communication, Culture and Audiovisual" and DG XXII for "Education, Training and Youth" ).
This has been meant only as some short indications. But they stand out as some of the things that have to take place and will take place sooner or later, and our only possibility to do them peacefully is to do them consciously now, if they shall not in 15-20 years begin forcing their way by more uncontrolled, violent means, as the disastrous 100 years war between England and France of the 14th century, the long and many European wars of the 17th century and the two World wars during this 20th century, resulting from immature - if understandable - ways of handling other, related problems.

A "counter-threefoldment"
One counter form to this necessary differentiation of Europe is however also already developing (Brzezinski, Int Herald Tribune 2.5.94, Kolankiewicz, Int Affairs 3.7.94). It consists in the formation of an axis, comprised of the three states of France, Germany and Poland, with France and Poland as wings holding a strong and central Germany in place and fixed in the function as the economic "motor" of the development of Europe into the future, as a "mechanical heart", instead of as part of the "spiritual heart" of Europe that it bears as a task to be.
This development in every way misses the central points in the task of Central Europe, but will undoubtedly be more or less carried through.
With the Single European Act, the Maastricht Treaty and the Amsterdam Treaty, a constitution for EU is now developing, that will put its mark on the whole future of the present "European/West-European" cultural epoch, starting with the Renaissance, in its development of a free, spiritualised cultural life as an expression of the conscious and responsible human being, and for which the central European idealistic tradition and the cultural impulses and life of Eastern Europe are crucial and absolutely necessary.
We are now heading for the next crucial act/treaty of the EC/EU-process around 2004/5, concerned with the questions of the fourth phase of the process, its turning point.

TURNING POINT ...
The time between about 2005 and 2011 during the EU-process that is being developed between 1986 and 2030, will probably display the culmination of the forces and strivings that want to make Europe into a federation, with the strife to finally institutionalise the "Presidency" of the Union on top of the pyramid.
This "Precidency" will then constitute a form of "Ego-organisation" for Europe. For what "I" for Europe do those, that are now developing it in stages, build it as a "body" to incarnate in?
The "I" of Europe can not be materialised as authority for power for a "president" in one human being. It lives and weaves in the social life between the peoples of Europe, in the conscious warm interest we show our fellow humans, independently of who they are and where they come from.
The attempt to build an external symbol as a social and legal "body" in the form of the "Presidency" for EU is a potentially bad omen, if it is not being handled in the proper way.
The forth basic problem of the EU-process consists in handling this problem, having to do with the relation between the "economic" life of Europe and its organ (the Ecosoc, the Commission and its "President" ), the common "legal" life of the countries of Europe and its organs (the national parliaments, EU-Parliament and the Council of Ministers and the corresponding organs of the Council of Europe) and the "cultural" life of Europe and its organs (with their center in the future European cultural capital of Prague).
The problem is dealt with among other already in the story by Goethe of "The green snake and the lily". An elementary model for the solution of this problem will possibly be the presidency of Bosnia, with three "presidents", the President of the Commission, the President of the Parliament and the President of the Council of Europe working together as a council.

... AND TRANSFORMATION
Between about 2011 and 2030 we will then - viewed from the "mechanical" historical perspective of the leading Western groups described in the beginning - be facing three difficult tasks, as a possibility, "fighting" against or supported by the new constitution for EU.

The first of these tasks; the cultural task
"2011 - 2018"
will be to transform the not yet visible "humanistic power impulse" for Europe - in the spirit of Lyndon LaRouche, and Sorat, the second monster of the Apocalypse as one inspirational and challenging quality also behind the EMU - as well as the "spiritual power impulse" for Europe - in the spirit of the "Catholic Church" - that one can intuit will come to expression during the coming years, into further possibilites for a free, timely cultural life, that trancends both that which is "technically necessary" as well as that which is "spiritually necessary" into that which is truly humanly freedom creating.

The second task; the democratic task
"2018 - 2024"
to transform the external "Presidency" of EU, "lift out" the remains of "governmental power" in other fields than economy from the Commission, and transform the "European State" that has been impulsated as a "Union" into a true, democratic, equal legal life, built on social justice and human compassion.

And the third task, the economic task
"2024 - 2030"
the most difficult one; will be to transform that which has been impulsated as a "Single market", built on competition between strong producers, into an ever more altruistic economy, built on brotherhood, in all our common responsibility for the future of the Earth.

THE LONG TERM TASK FOR EUROPE
The different "Architects" and constructors of EU are now building a "legal body" as a "house" for the future Europe out of the perspective of economy, in a way that they think is right.
Above, I have tried to show how this process looks in a somewhat wider perspective.
The house is very consciously built. But it must not remain the tool for power of the benevolent elite, that it has very much been, even if understandable, so far.
It must be transformed out of that element which is good in it, so that it becomes a house for all the peoples of Europe, also those that today, mostly in Eastern Europe and Russia, have been put on the street as a result of "economical necessities" .
The role of Europe in world history has been central since the Renaissance - for better and worse - and it will surely continue to be important far into the future. But it must into this future consist in dissolving all striving for external power and all external power instruments, as also many have expressed in their struggle against the nuclear tests, that one member of EU has considered necessary to be able to develop nuclear arms further into the future.
Europe should instead cultivate its task as a mediating factor and a bridge between "East" and "West" and as a possible cultural inspirator "with a heart" - with not only the culture of Western Europe but also of Eastern Europe, and into the future ever more also of Russia, as a great inspirational well, but with a great respect for the role of all cultural groups of humanity.
In that work we are all responsible to form and build the "European house" to an inspiration for a humanly dignified life, as a part of all our common responsibility for the future of mankind and for the earth.
Only such a "good house" can also be generous and open to those that do not live in it, to visit freely and take part in.

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11.02.2010

Macedonia – a forgotten country?

 

IVAN TOROV

That’s how it is. Life isn’t fair, and reality demands a compromise. These are the words that Erwen Fouréré, the long-standing EU ambassador to Skopje, a witness and occasional actor in Macedonia’s troubles, addressed to his hosts, warning them that the time to reach a deal with Greece over Macedonia’s name was fast running out.

A month from now the EU will decide whether Macedonia, after five years of candidate status, will be given the date for starting negotiations on finally joining the EU. In Macedonia itself, however, there is a gloomy atmosphere of unfulfilled expectations. It is as if the Macedonian government and public have come to accept that Macedonia will draw the short straw in the ‘wrestling match’ at the EU summit in June.

It is most likely, indeed, that the setting of the date will again be postponed, hopefully until the end of the year, less optimistically for an indeterminate period. The formal explanation will be the slowing down, indeed end of reforms; but in reality it is the failure to reach an agreement with Greece over the country’s name. The conflict with which Greece has burdened Macedonia, and which until quite recently was merely a ‘technical problem’ that did not affect Macedonia’s progress towards EU and NATO membership, has in the meantime grown into an ‘unavoidable obstacle’. Or rather, into Brussels’s political ultimatum. It is true that the issue of the name does not appear as a formal condition; but when it comes to choosing between a state that already is a member (Greece) and a state that wishes to become one (Macedonia), there will be no dilemma. Despite sympathy for Macedonia and irritation with the Greek economic assault on EU stability, Macedonia will get short shrift. The offence will be chalked up against the weaker side, although everyone knows full well that the stronger one, which sets the rules, has been playing a highly destructive game.

Though Brussels officials hope for some turnaround by mid-June, its chances are nil. The Macedonian-Greek negotiations on Macedonia’s name reached a dead end several months ago, so that a change in the coming weeks would be truly miraculous. The long-standing American UN mediator in this conflict, Matthew Nimetz, does not believe in a sudden change either, and has been postponing the restart of negotiations. For sure, at the beginning of the this year there was a hope that ‘Republic of Northern Macedonia’ might, under certain conditions, be acceptable to both sides. But it vanished the moment the Greeks ‘explained’ that the change of name from Macedonia to Northern Macedonia would oblige the country to change also its national identity, its language, its constitution, its national anthem and its state emblem and flag – a recasting in fact of the whole of its history and culture.

The Macedonians interpreted this Greek ‘shopping-list’ in the only possible way – as the introduction of a Greek protectorate. The idea consequently, and logically, died even before it had been officially endorsed. A section of Macedonian public opinion, and certain political circles in Skopje, were initially positively inclined towards the name ‘Northern Macedonia’. But when the Greeks upped their demands, the Macedonians responded by reviving the old idea of a referendum on the name, the negative outcome of which is beyond doubt.

Greece responded to the idea of ‘letting the people decide’ by accusing Macedonia of blocking its ‘cooperation’ and ‘good will’ in the search for a ‘mutually acceptable compromise’. In fact, Greece is in no hurry (though one might think differently, given the seriousness of its crisis), all the more so because it has finally and without much effort won the support of EU leaders for its irrational national campaign, despite the fact that its economic and financial policy has brought into question the very survival of the euro and of the European Union. Athens can allow itself the luxury of simultaneously relaxing its chronic inter-state tensions with Turkey, thus winning the sympathy of Brussels and Washington, and assuaging European frustrations with the consequences of the Greek economic collapse. Turkey is more important to the international community than Macedonia, and the Greek prime minister can therefore afford to risk the wrath of Greek nationalists at his dialogue with Turkey. The tightening of the screw on its ‘unreasonable’ Macedonian neighbour comes as a recompense to the nationalists, at a time of real danger that the domestic crisis might unite the social and nationalist revolts into a powerful anti-government and anti-EU movement. This is why the so-called red line of Greek national interests is being maintained against the small and weak Macedonia, a line that Prime Minister Papandreas will not dare to cross.

But whereas Greece, therefore, may be in no hurry to reach a settlement with Skopje (not least because the very maintenance of mutual tensions causes serious internal trouble for Macedonia), one would expect Macedonia itself to be keen to arrive at a settlement that would unfreeze its current status as a forgotten country, and put it on the path to membership of the EU and NATO. This, however, does not appear to be the case.

The long and exhausting ‘war’ with Greece has created a situation of near-complete lethargy, with elements of indifference. The economic crisis is deepening, investors are avoiding the country as too risky, the social situation is increasingly hopeless, reforms have practically ceased, the prospects for Euro-Atlantic integration are receding – all this is creating anew a deep political crisis characterised by growing tensions between the country’s Macedonian majority and Albanian minority.

Instead of intensifying diplomatic activity, the government headed by Nikola Gruevski (VMRO- DPMNE) seems to have opted instead for a tactic of silence combined with anticipation, guided by a strange logic that time is in fact on Macedonia’s side. The idea being, it seems, that Europe will in time tire of Greek nationalist belligerence and arrogance, if not because of the Greek tactic of systematically undermining Macedonia, then because of the catastrophic effect of Greek economic mismanagement on European stability. Pursuing a tactic of ‘mutual attrition’, Macedonian nationalism in the form of a ‘return to antiquity’ has been offered as a response to Greek nationalism (though the intensity of the search for a new ancient Macedonian identity has somewhat diminished). Convinced that truth and justice is on its side, the government appears no longer interested in finding friends and allies abroad, and it is here that the main reason for the current near-total marginalisation of the country’s international position should be sought.

An ideological war is instead being waged against internal critics, with the government using its media to indict ‘traitors’, those who ‘favour selling the national spirit and dignity’ (i.e. argue for continuation of dialogue with Greece), and this is turning the Macedonian political scene into an arena of permanent confrontation. There is a real danger that, in the absence of a speedy internal political agreement, Macedonia could easily revert to the situation that pertained on the eve of the armed conflict between the authorities and mutinous Albanians in 2001.

Prime Minister Gruevski is no longer preoccupied with Athens, Brussels and Washington, but with the fanning of domestic conflict in order to hold off the Macedonian and Albanian political opposition and to create a suitably nationalist atmosphere for winning a new mandate at the increasingly likely early elections. With this in mind, the critics of the Macedonian government agree that it is, in fact, not in its interest to reach a compromise with Greece. Gruevski’s coalition government, involving the leader of the Albanian national community Ali Ahmeti, is on the point of collapse, as both sides contest the Ohrid Agreement that ended the war in 2001, the ruling party arguing that it gave too much to the Albanians while the Albanians believe that federalisation of the state offers the only way out of the crisis. The situation has become so confused that no one in Skopje can confidently predict what will come first: early elections with a new political configuration, or a new conflict between Macedonian and Albanian nationalists.

Macedonia, which back in the 1990s was a bright spot in the sea of Balkan troubles, appears today to be losing a sense of orientation, having been left to itself through its own but primarily through international fault.

In a situation of growing external pressure on Macedonia to capitulate on the name issue, with Greece sticking to its maximalist demands, and with Brussels irresponsibly willing to sacrifice Macedonia by letting it drown in internal troubles and using it as small change in Balkan trade-offs, few in Skopje can argue with any degree of confidence that the European idea retains its earlier dominant appeal. The growing impression is rather that the Euro-Atlantic enthusiasm is being slowly and steadily exhausted.

 
Translated from Peščanik website by Bosnian Institute,

10.15.2008

KUDA IDE MAKEDONIJA?

Međunarodni institut za bliskoistočne i balkanske studije (IFIMES) iz Ljubljane, pripremio je analizu aktuelne političke situacije u Makedoniji povodom priznanja nezavisnosti Republike Kosova i odbijanja najnovijeg kompromisnog prijedloga ambasadora Matthewa Nimitza o imenu „Republika Sjeverna Makedonija“. Iz opširne analize izdvajamo najvažnije i najzanimljivije dijelove.
MEĐUNARODNO IZOLIRANA DRŽAVA
Prijevremeni parlamentarni izbori u Makedoniji održani su 1.juna/lipnja 2008.godine. Sredinom oktobra protječe prvih 100 dana nove vlade (druge po redu) premijera Nikole Gruevskog (VMRO-DPMNE) sa novim albanskim partnerom Demokratskom unijom za integraciju (DUI/BDI). Iako je praksa, da „medeni mjesec“ za jednu vladu traje 100 dana, za vladu Gruevskog to traje već od jula/srpnja 2006.godine, kada je prvi put dobio izbore, tako da se slobodno može reći, da su to „medene godine“.
Makedonska opozicija odnosno Socijaldemokratska stranka (SDSM) poslije posljednjih prijevremenih parlamentarnih izbora, potpuno je poražena. SDSM je ostala i bez predsjednice Radmile Šekerinske, bivše potpredsjednice vlade za europske integracije u čije vrijeme je Makedonija, decembra/prosinca 2005.godine dobila status kandidata za članstvo u EU. To je promjena već drugog predsjednika SDSM u periodu manjem od četiri godine.
Ukoliko se uspoređuje nedavna prošlost odnosno kako je bilo prije jula/srpnja 2006.godine i kako je sada dvije i pol godine kasnije, Makedonija izgleda kao međunarodno veoma izolirana država. Poslije grčkog neprincipijelnog veta na članstvo Makedonije u NATO, Makedonija vjerojatno ni ovu, treću godinu po redu, neće dobiti pozitivan izvještaj za početak pregovora za punopravno članstvo u EU. Ako su za NATO bili „krivi“ Grci, za EU definitivno je kriva Makedonija, koja nije ispunila osam kriterija EU plus još jedan, deveti kriterij, kojeg je sama dodala, a to su bili prijevremeni izbori, koji su bili najlošiji i najnasilniji organizirani parlamentarni izbori do sada. Rezultati su poznati.
LUZERSKA POLITIKA NIKOLE GRUEVSKOG
Poslije junskih/lipanjskih izbora, Gruevski je kao svog novog koalicionog partnera izabrao Demokratsku uniju za integraciju, umjesto Demokratske partije Albanaca (DPA/PDSh), koja je bila koalicioni partner Gruevskog u prve dvije godine njegove vladavine. Prema izbornom rezultatu, kojeg mnogi osporavaju zbog neregularnosti izbora, DUI s 18 poslaničkih mjesta u parlamentu, daje još komotniju poziciju Gruevskom za dvotrećinsku većinu i moć da radi što i kako hoće. Dominantnu poziciju Gruevski je iskoristio još u toku prvih 100 dana vladavine, donoseći „svjetlosnom brzinom“ preko 150 zakona u Parlamentu sa podrškom DUI, koji su se tokom glasanja ponašali kao da učestvuju u popularnom kvizu “tko želi biti milijunaš” – rubrika „brzi prsti“.
U toku ovih brzopoteznih glasanja prošlo je i nekoliko kontraverznih zakona, kao zakon o upotrebi albanskog jezika, zakon o energetici, zakon o lobiranju, poslovnik o radu parlamenta, koji je donesen bez učešća opozicije u parlamentu. Stranke opozicije su bojkotirale rad Parlamenta svaka zbog svojih razloga. DPA zbog nepriznavanja izbornog rezultata, a SDSM i koalicioni partneri zbog hapšenja popularnog gradonačelnika grada Strumica, sada aktualnog v.d. predsjednika SDSM Zorana Zaeva. U međuvremenu, SDSM vratila se u parlament, poslije abolicije Zaeva od strane predsjednika države Branka Crvenkovskog. DPA je bojkotirala rad parlamenta sve do priznanja Republike Kosovo 09.oktobra/listopada 2008.godine.
Ponovo su aktualizirana četiri haaška slučaja, koja su vraćena na rješavanje makedonskom pravosuđu. Tako je DUI ponovo u centru događanja, čija su dva poslanika otvaranjem ovih slučajeva „nastradali“. Zbog mira i sudjelovanja u koaliciji ukinut im je poslanički imunitet, tako da će se redovno pojavljivati na sudskim ročištima u vezi haaškog slučaja „Maltretiranje Mavrovskih radnika”, koji je ustupljen makedonskom pravosuđu. Drugi snažniji udar na DUI odnosi se na poslanika DUI Hisena Xhemailija (ujedno je i lider Mladog foruma DUI), koji mora da se javi u skopski zatvor na izdržavanje 30-dnevne zatvorske kazne. Međutim, problem je u tome, da Xhemaili nije dostupan pravosudnim organima. Policija ga traži ali ga još uvijek nije pronašla. Ali Ahmeti i DUI i dalje šute. Ahmeti odgovara, da ima pametnijeg posla nego da se bavi time gdje se skriva njihov poslanik. Predsjednik opozicione DPA Menduh Thaçi je u pravu kada kaže, da Ahmeti nema samo politički problem, već i moralni, jer ne može da sankcionira i izruči svoje ljude kao što je urađeno u slučaju “Maltretiranje Mavrovskih radnika”, a istovremeno zaboravljajući da postoji otvoren sudski slučaj “Rukovodstvo ONA”, gdje se Ahmeti nalazi prvi na listi. Da li će se Ahmeti predati pravosudnim organima, kad se otvori njegov predmet, kao što je ubijedio svoje suradnike, ostaje da se vidi.
A Demokratska unija za integraciju? DUI se ponašala i još uvijek se ponaša kao „uspavana ljepotica“. Jedina reakcija na ovakvo ponašanje vlade i parlamentarne većine t.j. VMRO-DPMNE bila je kolumna potpredsjednice DUI Teute Arifi, koja je na ilustrativan način opisala ponašanje Gruevskog nazivajući ga “Demokraturom”. Arifi u svojoj kolumni u skopskom dnevnom listu “Dnevnik” poručuje Gruevskom “da je ovakvo ponašanje, potrošilo DPA, možda potroši i DUI, ali sasvim je sigurno, da će da potroši i Republiku Makedoniju”. Poslije iznošenja tog stava DUI je ponovo zaspala, a Teute Arifi nema više u javnosti, da se tako snažno suprotstavi luzerskoj politici Gruevskove vlade. Gruevski u cijeloj priči, koja je povezana s koaliranjem sa DUI, podiže svoj rejting kod glasača-Makedonaca. Gruevski bi vjerojatno, da je znao, da će mu biti tako lako vladati sa DUI, sigurno još 2006.godine uzeo DUI u vladu. Gruevski je naučio lekciju, a da li će je naučiti i DUI još uvijek nije izvjesno. Analitičari smatraju, da je neučestvovanje DPA u aktualnoj vladi, sačuvalo stranku od potpunog marginaliziranja na političkoj sceni, kao što je u ovom slučaju izložena DUI. NEDOSTATAK POLITIČKE KULTURE
Početkom septembra/rujna na makedonskoj političkoj sceni rodila se nova politička partija Albanaca zvana “Demokracija e Re” (Nova Demokracija), na čijem je čelu bivši potpredsjednik DPA Imer Selmani. Njemu se priključilo još par bivših ministra iz DPA, koji su bili u prijašnjoj vladi. Prvi utisak je bio, da oni napuštaju partiju samo zato što su izgubili svoja ministarska mjesta poslije prelaska DPA u opoziciju. Prvih nekoliko dana izgledalo je, da se DPA raspada po svim šavovima, tri poslanika su je napustili, dva potpredsjednika i desetak općinskih ogranaka djelomično ili u cjelini. Poslije mjesec dana situacija je drugačija, to nije puno uzdrmalo DPA. Ono što je razočaravajuće u DPA je to, da se poslije odlaska ljudi oko Imera Selmanija, očekivalo, da DPA pokaže javnosti da ima nove, mlade i sposobne ljude, koji će partiji produžiti politički život. Umjesto toga DPA za potpredsjednika stranke, pored veterana stranke Iljaza Halimija, vraća Mevlana Tahirija, čovjeka, koji je u 17 godina političkog pluralizma prošetao kroz sve moguće albanske partije u Makedoniji, uključujući i DPA, koju je napustio posle parlamentarnih izbora 2006.godine i priključio se Bardhulu Mahmutiju i njegovoj BDSh (Demokratska Unija Albanaca), zbog istih razloga kao i Selmani i njegova ekipa. Na izborima 2008 BDSh nije osvojila ni jedan procent glasova. Tri mjeseca kasnije, Mevlan Tahiri dolazi na mjesto potpredsjednika DPA, koja je ovim potezom pokazala da nema (ili ih ne vidi) novih ljudi u stranci.
A „Nova Demokracija“ još se etablira, vrijeme će pokazati, dali je formirana da bude samo u vladi kao supstitut DPA ili će da ponudi realne političke i ekonomske ideje kao i dostignuća zapadne evropske političke kulture, koje partijama u Makedoniji (makedonski i albanskim) nedostaje.
PREDSJEDNIČKI IZBORI 2009
Poslije odluke aktualnog predsjednika Makedonije Branka Crvenkovskog, da se neće kandidirati za drugi mandat za predsjednika države, počele su špekulacije oko toga, ali ne tako intenzivne, ko bi mogao biti kandidat vladajuće stranke i opozicije za predsjednika države. Crvenkovski će, poslije isteka mandata, najvjerojatnije preuzeti lidersku poziciju u SDSM.U javnosti se spominju neki od mogućih kandidata za predsjednika. Zoran Stavrevski, potpredsjednik Vlade i vjenčani kum premijera Gruevskog, bivši gradonačelnik Skopja Risto Penov iz redova opozicije, i Srgjan Kerim, donedavni predsjedavajući generalnom skupštinom UN-a. Kerima bi vjerojatno htjeli i jedni i drugi, a možda i Albanci. Kod Albanaca zasada nema nikakvih najava ko bi bili mogući kandidati za izbor predsjednika države.
PREMIJER GRUEVSKI NIJE PRIZNAO NEZAVISNOST KOSOVA?
Makedonija je konačno priznala Kosovo, i to dan poslije usvajanja srpske rezolucije u UN-u. Priznanje Kosova od Makedonije bio je dugo očekivani potez ne samo za Kosovo i Albance u Makedoniji već i SAD i neke druge zemlje članice EU. I sve se to desilo veoma brzo.
Po prvi put su albanske političke stranke u makedonskom Parlamentu (DUI, DPA i Nova Demokracija) zajednički nastupile i predložile rezoluciju, koju je Parlament usvojio kasno uvečer, a pola sata kasnije uslijedila je odluka vlade o priznanju. Pored drugih obrazloženja zašto je Makedonija priznala nezavisnost Kosova, stajalo je i to, da je Vlada prihvatila preporuku Parlamenta preko donesene rezolucije, da prizna nezavisnost Kosova. Opozicija je optužila vladu, da se za odlukom o priznanju Kosova skriva iza Parlamenta, jer sukladno Makedonskom ustavu i zakonu, Vlada je ta koja priznaje i uspostavlja diplomatske odnose sa drugim zemljama.
Prema informacijama Međunarodnog instituta IFIMES makedonska Vlada je već isti dan dok je još trajala debata o rezoluciji u Parlamentu, rano popodne donijela odluku da prizna Kosovo, ali sačekala je da Parlament usvoji Rezoluciju i poslije je objavila odluku o priznanju Kosova. IFIMES raspolaže pouzdanom informacijom, da točku dnevnog reda na sjednici Vlade na kojoj se odlučivalo o priznanju nezavisnosti Kosova, nije vodio premijer Nikola Gruevski, već zamjenik premijera za evropske integracije Ivica Bocevski. Navodno premijer Gruevski nije htio, da vodi sjednicu, sa obrazloženjem da ima druge obaveze. Ova informacija pokazuje, da Makedonska vlada nije namjeravala, da uskoro prizna Republiku Kosovo, ali očigledno nije mogla izdržati vanjskopolitički pritisak, što je bilo za očekivati. Ovaj slučaj pokazuje, da Makedonija funkcionira samo pod pritiskom i nikako drukčije. Makedonija je sebe dovela u situaciju, da zbog međunarodnog političkog pritiska prizna nezavisnost Kosova, a ne zbog toga što je Kosovo politička realnost na Balkanu i da je priznavanje nezavisnosti Kosova u interesu Makedonije i regionalne stabilnosti. Tako je i DPA prekinula bojkot i vratila se u Parlament.
Analitičari smatraju, da je Gruevski ne učestvovanjem prilikom donošenja odluke o priznanju Kosova još jednom ponizio, prije svega, svog koalicionog partnera DUI i njenog lidera Ali Ahmetija što ilustrativno govori kakav položaj u aktualnoj koaliciji ima DUI.
TEŽAK PERIOD ZA MAKEDONIJU
Međunarodni institut IFIMES ocjenjuje, da Makedoniju u narednom periodu čeka prilično teško razdoblje na političkom, prije svega vanjskopolitičkom i ekonomskom planu. Najnoviji paket prijedloga ambasadora Matthewa Nimitza za rješavanje spora sa Grčkom ne ulijeva nadu da će se to brzo završiti, posebno poslije odbijanja prijedloga od premijera Gruevskog. Da li će Makedonija konačno zaploviti u mirnije i stabilnije vode, zavisi od političkog vodstva, koje je prema bitnim nacionalnim i državnim pitanjima toliko razjedinjeno, da to ide samo na štetu Republike Makedonije. Priznanje Kosova je prvi korak ka tom stabilnom putu. Slijedeći korak bi bio konačno zatvaranje neracionalnog spora sa Grčkom. Predsjednički i lokalni izbori, koji su predviđeni za narednu godine, dodatno će zagrijati makedonsku političku scenu.
http://www.ifimes.org/default.cfm?Jezik=Si&Kat=10&ID=405

3.11.2008

Republic of Macedonia - Accession partnership

The Council adopted a regulation amending regulation 533/2004 on the establishment of
partnerships in the framework of the stabilisation and association process for the Western Balkans
(6686/08).
The regulation is amended following the decision of the European Council in December 2005 to
grant the status of candidate country to the Republic of Macedonia.
Consequently, the name of the partnership with Republic of Macedonia will be changed from "European partnership" to "accession partnership".

12.21.2007

The Republic of Macedonia must accelerate the pace of reform

Internal political tensions in 2007 have diverted the Republic of Macedonia's political institutions away from the priorities of European integration and delayed reform, according to EU foreign affairs ministers at their December 10 General Affairs and External Relations Council. The Council encouraged all political parties to deepen political dialogue and cooperation, especially on interethnic relations, so as to be able to move ahead in the EU accession process.
Reforms should be speeded up in judicial and public administration and in the fight against corruption, and police reform should be implemented faster. Unemployment and the general business environment also needed attention, said EU ministers. The Council also issued an appeal to the Government to "make renewed efforts, with a constructive approach, to find a negotiated and mutually acceptable solution on the name issue with Greece, under the auspices of the UN, thereby contributing to regional cooperation and good neighbourly relations."
The EU-the Republic of Macedonia Joint Parliamentary Committee, meeting in Brussels on 26-27 November called for accession negotiations to start as soon as possible, and encouraged the government, the opposition and all the stakeholders in the Republic of Macedonia to do their utmost to carry out the necessary reforms to fulfil the necessary criteria. Among its other conclusions, it noted "the difficulties faced by citizens of the Macedonia due to the non-recognition by Greece of its passports, and the situation linked with the name issue; calls on both parties to honour commitments as outlined in the Joint Declaration annexed to the text of the EC-the Macedonia Visa Facilitation Agreement to re-assess the issue, as a matter of priority".
The EU is to abolish as from 1 January 2008 a double-checking system on imports of steel products from the Republic of Macedonia.

11.07.2007

Тhe Report of the European Commission оn the progress of Macedonia Published


Today in Brussels, the European Commission published the Report on the Progress of the Republic of Macedonia achieved in 2007. In addition to the report two more documents have been published, as well - Accession Partnership (previously – European Partnership) and Enlargement Strategy 2007.
Through the Report, the European Commission monitors and assesses the progress made by the Republic of Macedonia in the previous year. In the Accession Partnership, the European Commission gives recommendations for the upcoming reforms. The Enlargement Strategy is a document which EU enlargement policy is explained.
On the following links you can find the declared documents:
European Commission Progress report on the Republic of Macedonia 2007
Council decision on the principles, priorities and conditions contained in the Accession Partnership with the Republic of Macedonia and repealing Decision 2006/57/EC
Enlargement Strategy and Main Challenges 2007-2008

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